An illuminating article worth posting again. I believe it is so important for us all to see the larger and larger pictures of what is threatening us all, how the many pieces fit together, and how it is that we find ourselves in such perilous times. ― Molly
By Anis Shivani
Over the last fifteen years, editors often asked me not to mention
the word "neoliberalism," because I was told readers wouldn't
comprehend the "jargon." This has begun to change recently, as the
terminology has come into wider usage, though it remains shrouded in great
mystery.
People
throw the term around loosely, as they do with "fascism," with the
same confounding results. Imagine living under fascism or communism, or
earlier, classical liberalism, and not being allowed to acknowledge that
particular frame of reference to understand economic and social issues. Imagine
living under Stalin and never using the communist framework but focusing only
on personality clashes between his lieutenants, or likewise for Hitler or
Mussolini or Mao or Franco and their ideological systems! But this curious
silence, this looking away from ideology, is exactly what has been happening
for a quarter century, since neoliberalism, already under way since the early 1970s, got
turbocharged by the Democratic party under the Democratic Leadership Council (DLC)
and Bill Clinton. We live under an ideology that has not been widely
named or defined!
Absent
the neoliberal framework, we simply cannot grasp what is good or bad
for citizens under Cruz versus Trump, or Clinton versus Sanders, or Clinton
versus Trump, away from the distraction of personalities. To what extent does
each of them agree or disagree with neoliberalism? Are there important
differences? How much is Sanders a deviation? Can we still rely on conventional
distinctions like liberal versus conservative, or Democrat versus Republican,
to understand what is going on? How do we grasp movements like the Tea Party,
Occupy, and now the Trump and Sanders insurgencies?
Neoliberalism
has been more successful than most past ideologies in redefining subjectivity,
in making people alter their sense of themselves, their personhood, their identities,
their hopes and expectations and dreams and idealizations. Classical liberalism
was successful too, for two and a half centuries, in people's self-definition,
although communism and fascism succeeded less well in realizing the "new
man."
It
cannot be emphasized enough that neoliberalism is not classical
liberalism, or a return to a purer version of it, as is commonly misunderstood;
it is a new thing, because the market, for one thing, is not at all
free and untethered and dynamic in the sense that classical liberalism
idealized it. Neoliberalism presumes a strong state, working only for the
benefit of the wealthy, and as such it has little pretence to neutrality and
universality, unlike the classical liberal state.
I
would go so far as to say that neoliberalism is the final completion of
capitalism's long-nascent project, in that the desire to
transform everything -- every object, every living thing, every fact on
the planet -- in its image had not been realized to the same extent by any preceding
ideology. Neoliberalism happens to be the ideology -- unlike the three major
forerunners in the last 250 years -- that has the fortune of coinciding with
technological change on a scale that makes its complete penetration into every
realm of being a possibility for the first time in human history.
From
the early 1930s, when the Great Depression threatened the classical liberal
consensus (the idea that markets were self-regulating, and the state should
play no more than a night-watchman role), until the early 1970s, when global
instability including currency chaos unraveled it, the democratic world lived under the Keynesian
paradigm: markets were understood to be inherently unstable, and the
interventionist hand of government, in the form of countercyclical policy, was
necessary to make capitalism work, otherwise the economy had a tendency to get
out of whack and crash.
It's
an interesting question if it was the stagflation of the 1970s, following the
unhitching of the United States from the gold standard and the arrival of the
oil embargo, that brought on the neoliberal revolution, with Milton Friedman discrediting fiscal policy and advocating a
by-the-numbers monetarist policy, or if it was neoliberalism itself, in the
form of Friedmanite ideas that the Nixon administration was already pursuing,
that made stagflation and the end of Keynesianism inevitable.
It
should be said that neoliberalism thrives on prompting crisis after crisis, and
has proven more adept than previous ideologies at exploiting these crises to
its benefit, which then makes the situation worse, so that each succeeding
crisis only erodes the power of the working class and makes the wealthy
wealthier. There is a certain self-fulfilling aura to neoliberalism, couched in
the jargon of economic orthodoxy, that has remained immune from political
criticism, because of the dogma that was perpetuated -- by Margaret Thatcher
and her acolytes -- that There Is No Alternative (TINA).
Please
continue this article here: http://www.truth-out.org/opinion/item/36376-our-neoliberal-nightmare-hillary-clinton-donald-trump-and-why-the-wealthy-win-every-time
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