From the Homestead Act to the New Deal, America built socialism for white families and called it free enterprise.
Two days after the election, Bernie Sanders, eighty-five years old and still yelling, posted an ultimatum to his own party that opened in capital letters, DEMOCRATS MUST DELIVER, and closed with two words: “No excuses.”
In between came the list. Medicare for All, a $20 minimum wage, the PRO Act to make unions easier to form, and a wealth tax on billionaires to pay for universal childcare, free public college and “a massive housing program.”
He had reason to think the country was listening.
The old man from Brooklyn spent most of two decades as the Senate’s only socialist. Now he has company: Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, the bartender turned congresswoman, and Zohran Mamdani, a Muslim immigrant born in Uganda and a dues-paying member of the Democratic Socialists of America, who now runs the largest city in the country.
Last week six more DSA-backed candidates won House seats, and socialists took city hall in Los Angeles and Washington.
For a word that was supposed to end careers, socialism was having quite a year. In August, Gallup found 43 percent of Americans viewing it positively, the most since it began asking.
You know the bills. You open the marketplace notice and the premium has jumped 26 percent, with another 13 percent coming next year. You price daycare for an infant and a four-year-old and the number comes back $28,190, more than median rent in every state that tracks both. Somewhere between those envelopes, the scariest word in American politics started to sound reasonable.
And in North Dakota, a week ago, voters decided whether every public school child in the state should eat breakfast and lunch for free.
Nearly eight in ten North Dakotans had backed the plan in polling. It lost by about 2,900 votes.
The Americans most open to socialism have kept their distance from the socialists. In 2019, Black adults were nearly twice as likely as white adults to look kindly on socialism. Yet only 21 percent of Black Democrats said this year that they liked politicians who call themselves democratic socialists, against 40 percent of white Democrats.
By its own count, the movement for the working class is more than three-quarters white. Its new members of Congress look a bit different, from an Ethiopian immigrant in Denver to an Afro-Latina daughter of Dominican immigrants in Harlem who plans to join the Congressional Black Caucus to a Philadelphian who spent years pushing a reparations bill in Pennsylvania. But diversity does not pay a debt, and this one was run up against the descendants of the people enslaved here.
In Florida, the party’s Senate committee had recruited a different candidate. Angie Nixon, a Black state legislator from Jacksonville and a DSA member, beat him anyway, by twelve points, with about a sixteenth of his money.
Then the committee and the party’s biggest Senate super PAC spent nothing on her race. The same super PAC put $87.4 million behind Sherrod Brown in Ohio. Nixon lost last week by about three points, in a state Trump carried by thirteen.
Black Americans are not wary of socialism; they are wary of being left out of it again.
Why?
Nearly every item on Sanders’s list, this country has already built once, and built for white people. What it has lacked is the nerve to give up the one thing whiteness ever reliably promised, which is that someone else would always be further back in line.
We Already Had It
Late on the morning of July 18, 1841, the USS Peacock tried to cross the bar at the mouth of the Columbia River and ran hard onto sand that had shifted since anyone last charted it. Heavy seas hammered her through the day. The crew went over the side in boats, clutching the ship’s papers and little else. That night the Peacock broke apart behind them, and the sandbar that sank her is still called Peacock Spit.
Among the men who reached the beach was a Black sailor named James Saules. He stayed. He married a Chinook woman, ran freight on the river and played the fiddle at settlers’ dances, and by the end of 1843 he had moved his family to a farm south of Oregon City.
In June 1844 Saules quarreled with a white settler, Charles Pickett, a Virginian who favored slavery. The sheriff who came for him was Joseph Meek, a former trapper, tall and broad in the shoulders, his black hair worn long, his head tilted when he talked, like he had a story for you.
A jury of white men convicted Saules of stirring up Native people against Pickett. As if one Black farmer were a threat to the territory, Oregon’s provisional government banned free Black people from it two months later.
Any who stayed would be whipped on the “bare back not less than twenty nor more than thirty-nine stripes, to be inflicted by the constable of the proper county,” and whipped again every six months until gone. The settlers called it the Lash Law.
Thirty-nine is the count from Scripture, forty stripes save one, the beating Paul says he took five times. Somebody in Oregon knew his Bible. (He seems to have skipped the part in Acts where the first Christians “had all things common,” and gave to every man “as he had need.”)
Every program in this history comes down to a line. The country has always been willing to serve it. The fight has been over who gets to stand in it.
Having driven Black settlers out, Congress gave the valley away six years later.
Under the Oregon Donation Land Act of 1850, every white man who staked a claim and broke the sod got 320 acres free, his wife another 320; Black settlers were shut out by name.
Then the offer went national. The Homestead Act took effect on New Year’s Day, 1863. The story goes that a Union scout named Daniel Freeman talked a land-office clerk he met at a New Year’s Eve party in Brownville, Nebraska, into opening the doors a few minutes after midnight so he could file the first claim. Later that same day, in Washington, Lincoln signed the Emancipation Proclamation. One New Year’s Day — one man walked out with 160 acres, and millions of enslaved people were declared free with nothing to stand on.
All told, the law handed some 246 million acres to about 1.5 million families, nearly all of them white, and roughly a quarter of American adults now descend from one of them.
Ask a conservative to name the great American story of self-reliance and the homesteader is a safe bet, the family alone on the prairie, owing nobody. Every one of those families filed for free land from the federal government, under a law Abraham Lincoln signed. The story leaves that part out.
Nobody called it socialism, and it was socialism in full, land seized largely from Native nations and given away in a single transfer of wealth that has paid out for generations. Then the homesteaders sold their wheat at market, and their grandchildren learned to call the whole thing free enterprise. That has always been the deal for white families, a socialist start and a free market that forgets it.
Capitalism’s defenders say it has lifted more people out of poverty than any system in history, and by Washington’s own count they are right. That count puts the poverty line for a family of four at $33,000 this year. Earn a dollar more and the family has been lifted out of poverty. There is no county in America where that family can cover rent, child care, food and a car for less than about $60,000. The homesteaders never had to start from that line. Washington handed them 160 acres first.
Sanders wants a massive housing program, and his critics call it a fantasy. Well. The country has already built one, the biggest it ever tried, and built it for white people.
When four million freed people needed the same help, the answer came in writing. Vetoing the Freedmen’s Bureau bill in February 1866, Andrew Johnson declared that Congress “has never deemed itself authorized to expend the public money for the rent or purchase of homes for . . . the white race who are honestly toiling from day to day for their subsistence.”
This was the same Andrew Johnson who, as a young congressman from Tennessee, had introduced a homestead bill in 1846. He was a man of real conviction. For sixteen years he fought to give the West to poor men, so long as they were white. What changed between 1846 and 1866? Only the color of those asking.
Communism in Miniature
Sanders wants a $20 minimum wage. The first federal one, in 1938, was written around the workers Southern congressmen meant to keep cheap.
In 1937, on the floor of the House, a Florida congressman named J. Mark Wilcox explained what worried him about a federal minimum wage. Washington, he warned, knew no color line. “You cannot put the Negro and the white man on the same basis and get away with it.”
The wage law that passed the next year left out farmhands and maids, the work most Black Southerners did. Southern congressmen exacted that exclusion as the price of their votes. Nobody had to write the word Negro into the law. Wilcox had already said it out loud.
Washington’s next experiment was a whole town. Greenbelt, Maryland, took its first families in the fall of 1937, a federal town raised on worn-out tobacco fields eight miles north of Washington and designed under Rexford Tugwell. Black and white men built Greenbelt.
More than 5,700 families applied for its 885 homes, and only white families were allowed in the line.
Interviewers inspected applicants in their own homes, and planners balanced the town by faith, 63 percent Protestant, 30 percent Catholic, 7 percent Jewish. Race needed no balancing. (That had been settled before anyone filled out a form.)
Residents bought shares in a cooperative that ran the grocery, the gas station and the movie theater. Businessmen pilloried it as communist, and legislators took to calling Tugwell “Rex the Red.” Zohran Mamdani heard the same word when he proposed city-owned grocery stores for New York. You had to be white to get a lease.
The early plans had set aside about 800 acres for Black homesteads, modeled on Rossville, an old Black settlement nearby. Local residents objected, and so did a Maryland state senator named Lansdale Sasscer, and the Black homesteads died on the drafting table.
Government houses, a government landlord and a grocery owned by its shoppers add up to communism in miniature. So long as the commune was white, Washington built it and sent the president to admire it, and he said it “exceeds my every dream.”
Black families got Aberdeen Gardens in Virginia instead, 158 homes to Greenbelt’s 885. Not until February 12, 1966, did a Black family, Angie and Rivers Williams, move into Greenbelt’s cooperative.
The Lunch Line
Nobody has to label themselves a socialist to see this.
When white Americans got free land, a house, a pension, or a town with a store they owned, they called it opportunity. When Black Americans asked for the same things, it was called socialism. The things never changed. Only the people asking changed, and the name changed with them.
Once, the country was made to share. On March 4, 1966, the surgeon general mailed a letter to every hospital in the country. Any hospital that wanted Medicare money, it said, had to stop sorting patients by race. More than a thousand hospitals integrated their wards, waiting rooms and staffs. It took them four months.
One hospital administrator told a Black physician to go to hell, that his hospital would never integrate. The physician answered that the hospital had just lost $5 million in federal money. Three days later the chair of the board called him. The administrator had been fired.
Social Security was for American workers, except maids and farmhands, which left out about 65 percent of Black workers and 27 percent of white ones. Medicare covered every American over sixty-five. The difference was that Washington told every hospital it would lose the money if it kept Black patients out, and the hospitals opened their doors. Medicare for All will need the same two things, a rule that names who cannot be left out and money that walks away when they are. Without them, it will be Social Security all over again.
On November 2, a school worker from Mandan named Miranda Jochim served lunch at Roosevelt Elementary in Bismarck. The next day North Dakota voted to keep charging for it.
Ask anyone who voted no and they will tell you it was about the constitution and a price tag of up to $134 million every two years. “Today it’s school meals,” one state senator warned. This country has had a reason ready for two hundred years, every time the help might reach Black families. Now the same reasons keep lunch from its own children.
This country can give away 246 million acres. It can raise a town out of worn-out tobacco fields in two years. It can integrate a thousand hospitals in four months. What would this country have to stop believing about itself to let everyone in the line eat?
It would have to stop believing it is white.
Please go here for the original post: https://thehumanityarchive.substack.com/p/america-didnt-reject-socialism-it
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